Viewpoints Vol. 9
Bridging the Great Divide:
Broadening Perspectives on Closing the Achievement Gaps
Identifying and Eliminating the Achievement Gaps:
A Research-Based Approach
By Ginger M. Reynolds, Ph.D.
What Are the Achievement Gaps?
The term achievement gap is used to denote differences in the academic achievement of particular groups of students. Actually, it is more accurate to say that there are achievement gaps rather than merely one achievement gap. The issue is not as simple as a difference between blacks and whites or rich and poor. There are many gaps, and the gaps themselves have changed over time.
During the 1970s and part of the 1980s, some achievement gaps between poor minority students and their affluent white peers lessened. But since the late 1980s and early 1990s, some achievement gaps have stagnated, and many have widened. Specifically, average reading achievement for 17-year-old African-American and Latino/a students rose through the 1970s and 1980s, but achievement gaps between these students and their white counterparts increased in the 1990s. Similarly, the gap between whites and African Americans in mathematics was the narrowest in 1990, and the gap between Latino/a and white students was the narrowest in 1992. Both gaps have widened steadily since (Haycock, 2001a). Other research demonstrates that the gaps between high- and low-achieving students' scores in reading and math are increasing at a rapid pace (Sadowski, 2001).
The achievement gaps encompass some startling statistics. The National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) indicates that students from low socioeconomic backgrounds, along with African-American and Latino/a students, are already two years behind other students by the fourth grade; by the 12th grade, poor and minority students are nearly four years behind (Robelen, 2002). The National Center for Education Statistics (cited in Haycock, 2001a) reported that in 1999, only one in 100 African-American students at the end of high school could read and comprehend specialized text, such as a newspaper's science section, and only one in 50 Latinos/as could do so. Yet, about one in 12 whites could complete the task successfully. More than half of whites near the end of high school could read a complicated but less specialized text, but fewer than 25 percent of Latinos/as and 20 percent of African Americans could do so. The patterns are equally as unbalanced for students of this age in mathematics. Approximately one in 10 whites but only one in 30 Latinos/as and one in 100 African Americans could easily solve an elementary algebra problem. Statistics show that by the end of high school, African-American and Latino/a students have reading and mathematics skills roughly equal to those of white students in the eighth grade (Haycock, 2001a).
Haycock also notes that only 63 percent of Latinos/as and 81 percent of African Americans in the 18-to-24 age group have completed high school or earned a General Educational Development (GED) diploma, while about 90 percent of whites and 94 percent of Asians have done so. The imbalance continues past high school. About 76 percent of white and 86 percent of Asian high school graduates proceed directly to college, compared with only 71 percent of African-American and Latino/a high school graduates. By the age of 29, African Americans are roughly half as likely as whites to earn a bachelor's degree, and Latinos/as are only one-third as likely (Haycock, 2001a).
Why Are There Achievement Gaps?
There are plenty of theories about why the achievement gaps persist. Often, the theories focus on the disparate backgrounds with which students enter school, and the continued family and cultural obstacles that poor and minority students encounter through their school tenure. However, research has shown that there are significant factors in schools that perpetuate inequity of opportunity.
In-school factors that lead to achievement gaps
Investigations by the Education Trust and other groups reveal that minority students often attend under-funded urban schools, and receive poorer-quality instruction than their white or suburban peers (Johnston & Viadero, 2000). Minority students "take fewer Advanced Placement [AP] and honors courses, have less qualified teachers, get fewer resources, and face harsher discipline when they violate school rules," note Johnston and Viadero (2000). For example, although 23 percent of students in Providence, Rhode Island, are African American, these students make up only 9 percent of the district's gifted and AP classes. This imbalance can be found in the make-up of advanced classes in many districts—including Austin, Texas; Durham, North Carolina; Boston; and San Francisco.
In addition, while research has proven that a quality teacher is one of the most important factors in student success (Darling-Hammond, 1997; National Commission on Teaching and America's Future, 1996), those students most in need of quality teachers are generally the least likely to get them. Indeed, there is a "gap" in the background and experience of teachers who teach in high-minority, high-poverty schools and those who teach in more affluent, more white schools. On average, teachers at high-poverty schools have less experience, come from less selective colleges, and fail certification tests more frequently than those who teach at schools with low-poverty and low-minority enrollments (Robelen, 2002). More specifically, according to Johnston and Viadero (2000), almost half of New York City's teachers in the 1997-98 school year had failed certification tests in math; by contrast, in the suburbs adjacent to New York City, only one fifth of teachers had failed a math certification test, and fewer than one quarter of the teachers throughout the rest of the state had failed. In Chicago, notes Robelen (2002), nearly 20 percent of teachers in the Chicago Public Schools failed certification tests, compared with 5.4 percent of teachers in suburban schools.
Urban school children, who often start school with differentiated educational preparation, continue to lose throughout their school careers. There are significant differences between dollars spent per pupil in high-poverty districts and dollars spent in low-poverty districts. For example, in Illinois this difference is more than $1,900, and in Michigan the difference is more than $1,200 (Robelen, 2002). Such annual differences add up to severe disparity throughout a child's school career. By the end of high school, a student in New York state outside of New York City will have had, on average, $25,975 more spent on his or her education than a student within New York City (Johnston & Viadero, 2000). The Elementary and Secondary Education Act and its reauthorization, No Child Left Behind, alleviate some of the discrepancy, but many high-poverty students need more and different resources than those to which their advantaged peers have access.
These measurable resource inequities are contributors to the achievement gaps, but there are more complicated factors as well. Several studies have pointed to less quantifiable, but as least as influential, hurdles that poor and minority students face in schools. Research suggests that these students experience a different environment in school and are treated differently than their white and affluent counterparts. Grading standards can be lower in high-poverty schools, and often less is expected of students in terms of quantity and quality of work (see Gamoran, 2000; Knapp, 1995).
Kati Haycock (2001a), director of the Education Trust, describes the damaging effects of low expectations for students:
"For the past six years, our staff at the Education Trust has worked with teachers who are trying to improve the achievement levels of their students. But while we've been observing these high-poverty classrooms, we've also looked carefully at what happens there—that kinds of assignments teachers give, for example—compared to what happens in other classrooms.
"We have come away stunned. Stunned, first, by how little is expected of students in high-poverty schools—how few assignments they get in a given school week or month. Stunned, second, by the low level of the few assignments that they do get. In high-poverty urban middle schools, for example, we see a lot of coloring assignments, rather than writing or mathematics assignments. Even at the high school level, we found coloring assignments. 'Read To Kill a Mockingbird,' says the 11th grade English teacher, 'and when you're finished, color a poster about it.' Indeed, national data make it clear that we expect so little of students in high-poverty schools that we give them A's for work that would earn a C or D anywhere else."
There is evidence of institutional bias as well. Disciplinary action is one of the areas in which there is an overrepresentation of minorities. For example, Johnston and Viadero (2000) note that "in San Francisco, African-American students are suspended from school in numbers more than three times their proportion of the school population. "Some researchers believe that simply to function in an urban, high-poverty school, teachers become more authoritarian and thereby stifle their students' creativity and desire to reach their full potential (Haberman, 1991). Other researchers refer to the low expectations that teachers have of poor and minority students; such low expectations affect teachers' determination to help students and also affect students' determination to succeed (Ferguson, 1998b; National Task Force on Minority High Achievement, 1999; Steele & Aronson, 1998). Related to this issue, there is a strong body of research about the overrepresentation of minorities in special education classes (Losen & Orfield, 2002; National Center for Learning Disabilities, n.d.). Inequities in determining a student's need for special education, as well as inequities in services once a student is in special education, also contribute to achievement gaps.
Out-of-school factors that lead to achievement gaps
Educators are obligated to recognize and address factors in schools that contribute to achievement gaps, because these are the factors over which schools have more (though far from complete) control. However, to ignore the aspects of students' lives outside the school walls that contribute to achievement gaps would be irresponsible and ineffectual if the goal is to understand the problem fully and strive to ameliorate it. Indeed, social problems play a part in the development and perpetuation of achievement gaps. But neither in-school nor out-of-school factors can be tackled in isolation. They are cumulative and interactive.
Dr. Allan Alson, superintendent of Evanston Township High School District 202 in Evanston, Illinois, uses the following example to illustrate the inter-play of in-school and out-of-school factors affecting school achievement:
"Students who have received less early childhood literacy support, for example, arrive at school already behind other students. If a child comes to school not as well prepared as fellow students, he or she simply may not be as ready for school. But unfortunately, teachers may base their expectations for school success on how achievement is displayed."(A. Alson, personal communication, December 6, 2002).
Dr. Alson also mentions poverty as a barrier: "Neighborhood influences are barriers when you have a concentrated neighborhood of people who do not have high degrees of educational attainment. In other words, there are no role models for high achievement" (A. Alson, personal communication, December 6, 2002). In fact, some studies have found that socioeconomic status explains a larger percentage of the variance in academic achievement than ethnicity (Abbott & Joireman, 2001).
Some researchers maintain that parental influences are especially salient. For example, Johnston and Viadero (2000) write that some African-American, Hispanic, or poor parents may not be as insistent that their children succeed in school or enroll in advanced classes. Some minority parents also may not participate in school activities as actively as wealthier white parents, and some may not help with student homework or projects as much. More affluent and white parents may interact with their children in ways that help them to be successful in school, such as asking children to justify their requests. However, there is not enough research on these factors to link them decisively to student achievement. Out-of-school factors also may include the spirit-crushing effects of poverty, destructive messages from media, and the scarceness of parental time spent with children (Haycock, 2001b).
Research on In-School Solutions and Strategies
There is a budding research agenda that points to some promising strategies for tackling achievement gaps. One common theme among them is the need for clear and public standards to guide teachers, students, administrators, and parents on what is expected from students at various benchmarks. Implicit in standards-based reform is that the standards apply to all students, precluding the notion that differing levels of success should be expected from different kinds of students. Many researchers believe that part of the reason some students do not excel academically is that schools do not ask them to, and do not expect them to (Haycock, 2001b).
But the issue is more involved than simply creating standards for what students should know and then asking them to learn (Kober, 2001). Assessments need to be aligned with the standards, and curriculum should be aligned as well (Gameron, 2000). It is unreasonable to ask students to meet rigorous standards if they have not been taught corresponding curriculum in the classroom. But assuming that all students can handle rigorous coursework is often where the reform breaks down. As mentioned earlier, researchers have found that poor and minority students often encounter a weaker curriculum and an unconstructive environment (Haycock, 2001b). Some students may need more or different resources to achieve success than others, and it is essential to provide these resources before holding students, and teachers and administrators, accountable. Some states and districts are beginning to provide resources such as extended instructional time before school, after school, during weekends and summer, and even during the school day (Haycock, 2001b).
Researchers caution that high-stakes testing—using a single standardized test to determine a student's academic fate, or the fate of a school or district—is unwise, because so many uncontrollable and extraneous factors contribute to the results (Kober, 2001). Testing experts also emphasize that tests should not be used to drive decisions that the tests were not designed to support. In the wake of the standards-based reform movement and the No Child Left Behind legislation's mandates for accountability, some educators are employing tests produced for limited purposes, with validity and reliability tied to those limits, to high-stakes situations. Not observing the technical constraints of standardized tests invalidates their worth and may hinder efforts to close achievement gaps. Further, this practice may aggravate already imbalanced resource allocation for poor and minority students (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, 2001).
Another strategy for closing achievement gaps is to ensure that traditionally underserved populations have access to high-quality teaching (Ferguson, 1998a). Because of commonly lower salaries, fewer resources, and more challenging environments, teachers often are less willing to teach in schools with high-poverty, high-minority populations. If they do teach in such schools, they often leave after a few years for more lucrative salaries and more supportive situations (North Central Regional Educational Laboratory, 2002b). As a result, the most talented, sought-after teachers often are not teaching the students who most need their assistance. Programs to attract high-quality teachers to high-poverty, high-minority schools can help to close the gap in teaching quality. In addition to getting these teachers where they are needed most, it is important to provide them with high-quality professional development so that they can continue to support the achievement of their students.
Reducing class size is another tactic also used to address achievement gaps. Although researchers do not unanimously agree that there is compelling evidence to suggest that smaller class sizes are more effective, many states are implementing class-size reduction programs aimed at poor and minority students. Much of the research suggests that smaller classes may be most useful in the earlier grades. Other early childhood reforms are gaining prominence as well. Preschool programs have demonstrated some success in preparing children to enter public school more equipped to achieve (Editorial Projects in Education, 2002).
Parental involvement in children's education also has proven to be an important element in students' academic success (Henderson & Berla, 1994). School reform initiatives often focus on changing a school's culture by improving the relationships among parents, educators, and students. Such initiatives also seek to engage the broader community to improve schools and out-of-school factors that impact education. There are several frameworks for partnerships among schools, parents, and the community that can help improve student success (Epstein, 1997; Giles, 1998; and Yates, 1993). Epstein (1997) outlines six types of cooperation: parenting to develop healthy and equipped children and schools that support this effort; communication among parents, the community, and schools; volunteering of parents and community members in the schools; students learning at home with parental and school assistance; decision-making opportunities for parents and community members; and collaboration of schools with the community to utilize other support services.
Among the important characteristics of schools that are successful in dealing with achievement gaps are strong leadership and personal commitments from staff (Robelen, 2002). However, none of the individual strategies listed here will close the achievement gaps unless they are applied in concert, systemically. Dr. Allan Alson comments:
"There hasn't been a lot of research on either how all of the factors interact and become cumulative for students, or how the factors serve to increase the gap. Part of the research agenda has to be the question: So how does all of this work together?" (A. Alson, personal communication, December 6, 2002)
All of these factors—alignment of standards, assessment, and curriculum; teacher quality; class size; parental involvement; and leadership; among others—weigh heavily on the potential for learning by minority and poor students. But the achievement gaps are not impenetrable. The myth that disadvantaged students cannot attain the same successes as their more advantaged peers is no longer a viable one. Research has shown that it is possible to ease the achievement gaps (Haycock, 2001b). But just as the causes of achievement gaps are interrelated, so must be the attempts to close them.
- Maryland Institute for Minority Achievement and Urban Education: A Successful Higher-Education Program for Closing Achievement Gaps
- The Minority Student Achievement Network: A Successful District-Level Program for Closing Achievement Gaps
- Sageland Elementary School: A Successful School-Level Program for Closing Achievement Gaps
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The Minority Student Achievement Network: A Successful District-Level Program for Closing Achievement Gaps The Minority Student Achievement Network (MSAN) is an organization dedicated to helping school districts ensure high academic achievement for minority students. Launched in February 1999, the network comprises 15 similarly situated school districts that are committed to implementing strategies to close achievement gaps. The districts use the following activities: involvement in research and program development with higher education, educational organizations, and foundation partners; sharing of individual staff and district successes and failures through regular communications, visitation, and job-alike focus groups; professional staff-development opportunities for network districts; and serving as a national clearinghouse for, and disseminating information about, best practices that raise the achievement of minority students (Minority Student Achievement Network, 2002). In its effort to close the achievement gaps, MSAN engages in three key activities: collaborative communication, research, and professional development. Among the most notable approaches of MSAN is its commitment to a collaborative approach. Through sharing procedures for gathering and reporting data, engaging in collaborative research, sharing successes and failures, and having open discussions about issues of race and ethnicity, network members hope to maximize the potential of their students as well as their own potential. MSAN conducts a variety of information-sharing activities throughout the year, including an annual meeting for district teams, governance board meetings for district superintendents, periodic job-alike meetings, student meetings, and teacher meetings. The network recently launched a Web site at www.msanetwork.org to foster communication among those involved in MSAN work. Research as a means of shaping practices, interventions, policies, and instruction is another key activity of MSAN. The network currently is conducting a study, focused on teachers and parents, to identify the math concepts and skills that African-American and Latino/a students have the most difficulty mastering. Instructional strategies that enhance student capacity for mathematical success are being developed. Currently receiving a great deal of national attention is a study conducted by Harvard University researcher Ronald Ferguson and titled What Doesn't Meet the Eye: Understanding and Addressing Racial Disparities in High-Achieving Suburban Schools (Ferguson, 2002). The study explores teacher-student relationships, students' understanding of classroom material, homework, and peer pressure. The prominent finding of the study is that the academic aspirations of African-American, Hispanic, Asian, and white students differ only slightly. MSAN hopes that the results will dispel the myth that minority students have an "anti-school" orientation. Professional development for district teachers and administrators is a third MSAN effort to improve minority student achievement. Professional development through the network primarily occurs in two ways: teacher conferences and the Tripod Project, a new initiative of MSAN. In May 2002, the network held its first national teacher conference in Madison, Wisconsin. The objectives of the conference were to engage teachers more fully in discussions about their role in addressing the achievement gaps, provide opportunities for teachers to create networks of support, and solicit teachers' to help with the network's research activities. Topics of focus included early and adolescent literacy, math achievement, and teacher-student relationships. A second conference for 2003 is being planned. The Tripod Project, created by Ronald Ferguson, uses a five-tiered approach to enhancing teacher-student relationships. The project's overarching goal is "to extend conversations among teachers about teaching" (Lewis, 2002). It links teacher content knowledge, pedagogy, and relationships with students with five tasks of social and intellectual engagement in classrooms. Now in its third year, MSAN is preparing to evaluate the effectiveness of its work. The organization will seek to determine the "value added" by its offerings by determining what changes its members have seen since they became involved with MSAN. The North Central Regional Educational Laboratory is proud to be a funding source for the Minority Student Achievement Network. –Rebecca Phillips |
